The Canadian government, which has a steadfast refusal to commit its health services to trade liberalization, made an unwitting commitment in 1995 to liberalize the health insurance trade. The negotiators clearly did not know that this had been dealt with in the financial services section, not health services. If Canada extends public insurance to sectors where there are currently active foreign private providers (for example. B for dental care or home care), it may face a commercial challenge23.23 The PGA requires governments to consider only “commercial considerations” in purchasing decisions. It explicitly prohibits preferences based on human rights or workers` rights and requires that offers of government contracts be open to suppliers from all Member States. At present, the Doha Ministerial Declaration obliges members to negotiate a multi-lateral (optional) agreement that few developing countries have signed, a future multilateral agreement on transparency of public procurement. This could help prevent large-scale nepotism or misuse of public funds by corrupt officials, with adverse health effects due to the loss of public health and social spending funds. While the ministerial statement states that the negotiations “will not limit the room for manoeuvre for countries that prefer domestic deliveries and suppliers,” † its supporters (first of all Canada`s quadrangle group, the United States, Japan and the European Commission) see this as a first step in the implementation of a broader multilateral agreement , which would ultimately prevent national governments from giving preference to domestic suppliers in terms of purchases or contracts. This would eliminate the important political flexibilities by which governments have combated regional unemployment or the social marginalization of certain groups, strategies that have significant public health benefits. There are similar concerns about the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS). GATS-linked and contracted services between governments are excluded from the most restrictive trade rules (most favoured nation, national and market access; see glossary, part 1). However, it is not clear when a contractual public service will become a long-term concession that can no longer be excluded from the water supply of developing countries, which are increasingly managed by privatizations or mixed public-private partnership systems5. Capped.
The Uruguay Round, which began in 1986, extended trade agreements beyond goods to services, intellectual property rights and investment measures. With the exception of two of these agreements (public and commercial contracts for civil aircraft), these are multilateral trade agreements to which all nations must adhere as a precondition for WTO membership. The first part of this glossary introduced various arguments on health and trade, gave an overview of the history of the World Trade Organization (WTO), defined the main conditions of “trade negotiations” and examined three WTO treaties on trade in goods (GATT 1994, the Agriculture Agreement and the Agreement on Health and Plant Health Measures). In the second part, five other agreements and the growing number of bilateral and regional trade agreements are discussed and concluded by commenting on various proposed strategies to ensure that health is not affected by trade liberalization agreements. The most well-known case of SPS was an EU ban on foreign beef containing artificial growth hormones banned in Europe because they can be carcinogenic. The dispute resolution body ruled against the EC ban, in part because international standards had been established for five of the six hormones at issue44 SPS (III.1) prefers state rules to be based on international standards, including those of the Codex Alimentarius Commission (Codex).